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1942-11-18 Letter from Kurt Blome to Arthur Greiser: “approximately 35,000 incurable and contagious Poles would be ‘specially treated’….one day even the relatives of the patients will notice that ‘something is not right here,’ even with the best efforts at secrecy.”

While the Nazi authorities in the Warthegau were already planning the killing of Polish individuals incurably afflicted with tuberculosis, concerns were raised by the Main Office for Public Health of the NSDAP. In a letter dated 18 November 1942 to Arthur Greiser, the Reich Governor of the Wartheland, Kurt Blume detailed the plan of the Warthegau authorities where “approximately 35,000 incurable and contagious Poles would be given special treatment.” He also noted that Greiser “obtained approval for the special treatment from the appropriate authorities,” (e.g. the Security Police and Reichsführer SS) but stressed the need to ensure “explicitly that the Führer truly agrees with such a solution.” Blume pointed out that Hitler “already halted the action in the asylums some time ago, and currently does not consider ‘special treatment’ of the hopeless patients politically expedient or acceptable.” Overall, Blume expressed that “secrecy is simply impossible… one day even the relatives of the patients will notice that ‘something is not right here,’ even with the best efforts at secrecy.”

Contemporary Source

1942-06-09 Letter from Heinrich Müller to Heinrich Himmler: “no objections to Polish nationals…afflicted with open tuberculosis, being subjected to special treatment..the implementation must be as inconspicuous as possible.”

After receiving the request from the government of the Warthegau to kill Polish nationals suffering from incurable tuberculosis through the use of the Sonderkommando Lange, Rudolf Brandt from the Personal Staff of the Reichsführer-SS sought a statement from the Chief of the Security Police, Reinhard Heydrich, on this matter. On June 9, 1942 ( after Heydrich’s death), Gestapo Chief Heinrich Müller reported that there were “no objections to Polish nationals of the Wartheland region, who are afflicted with open tuberculosis and stateless individuals of Polish ethnicity, being subjected to special treatment as proposed by Gauleiter Greiser”, however, “the implementation must be as inconspicuous as possible”.

Contemporary Source

1942-05-03 Letter from Wilhelm Koppe to Rudolf Brandt: “the transfer of those Poles who are demonstrably suffering from open tuberculosis to Kommando Lange for special treatment”

On May 3, 1942, in a coordinated action with the Reich Governor Arthur Greiser of the Reichsgau Wartheland, Wilhelm Koppe, the Higher SS and Police Leader in the same region, reached out to Rudolf Brandt, Personal Staff of the Reichsführer-SS. Their aim was to secure Himmler’s approval “for the transfer of those Poles who are demonstrably suffering from open tuberculosis to Kommando Lange for special treatment”, effectively meaning their execution by the Sonderkommando Lange, then operating the Kulmhof extermination camp.

Contemporary Source

1942-05-01 Letter from Arthur Greiser to Heinrich Himmler: “The action of special treatment of around 100,000 Jews in my district…will be completed in the next 2-3 months…the existing and incorporated Sonderkommando”

On May 1, 1942, Arthur Greiser, the Reich Governor in the Reichsgau Wartheland, relayed to Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler that “The action of special treatment of around 100,000 Jews in my district, which you approved in agreement with the Chief of the Reich Security Main Office, SS-Obergruppenführer Heydrich, will be completed in the next 2-3 months”, pertaining to the death toll of Kulmhof extermination camp. Additionally, Greiser proposed “to eradicate cases of open TB within the Polish ethnic group here in Warthegau” by “using the existing and incorporated Sonderkommando after the Jewish action”, suggesting the involvement of Sonderkommando Lange (then under the leadership of Hans Bothmann) in the extermination of Poles with open tuberculosis.

Contemporary Source

1942-02-28 Letter from Heinrich Müller to Martin Luther: “Geheime Reichssache (1005)…alleged incidents in the course of the solution of the Jewish question in the Warthegau”

On February 6, 1942, Martin Luther of the German Foreign Office forwarded an anonymous letter to Gestapo chief Heinrich Müller. The letter concernced “alleged incidents in the course of the solution of the Jewish question in the Warthegau”. In his response to Luther two weeks later, classified under the reference number “Geheime Reichssache (1005)”, Müller acknowledged misconduct against Jews in the Warthegau, noting that “where the axe falls, chips will fly”. However, he pointed out that these “measures” were often exaggerated to elicit sympathy and foster hope for an end to them. Müller emphasized that “the Jew tries to escape his well-deserved fate.” The letter is considered as a starting point for the later operation known by the codename “Aktion 1005.”

Contemporary Source

1940-09-18 Letter from Seith to Redieß on Sonderkommando Lange: “besides the unforgettable comradeship and farewell evening in Soldau, this gift is the only recognition of our mission”

The letter, dated September 18, 1940, is addressed from SS-Oberscharführer Wendelin Seith to the Higher SS and Police Leader of East-Prussia SS-Gruppenführer Wilhelm Redieß. Seith, serving as a driver for Sonderkommando Lange, expresses gratitude for receiving an amber box as gift for their mission in Soldau, noting the challenges faced and the lack of recognition except through this gift. Redieß forwarded the letter to Karl Wolff, chief of the Personal Staff Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler. This document stands as one of the earliest explicit references to Sonderkommando Lange within contemporary German records.

Sonderkommando Lange in Kalisz / Kalisch
Contemporary Source

1941-12-01 Memo by Police Kalisz on Sonderkommando Lange: “List of Jews with children under 14 years were transferred today”

The document describes the fate of 127 individuals identified as “Jews with children under 14 years,” deported from Kalisch by the Sonderkommando Lange on December 1, 1941. Notably, the memo recounts the escape of Mojsie Nejmanowicz, Sara Nejmanowicz, and Nechemja Nejmanowicz from the camp. Additionally, it mentions that the possessions of the deportees will be collected by the “Gestapo.” See also the report by the same author regarding a prior deportation supported by local police in Kalisch.

Memo of Hauptmann Speckmann from police Kalisch / Kalisz on Sonderkommando Lange dated 22 November 1941
Contemporary Source

1941-11-22 Memo of Police Kalisch on Sonderkommando Lange: “an official of the Special Representative of the Secret State Police…informed that the Jewish action had been temporarily finished”

This document of November 22, 1941 was written by Hauptmann Speckmann from the regular police in Kalisch (Kalisz) and describes procedures for the deportation of Jews by Sonderkommando Lange. The killer commando is referred to as “official of the Special Representative of the Secret State Police.” The handwritten memo provides detailed instructions regarding guard duty. Furthermore, it discusses the consolidation of areas and the apprehension of escaped Jews. The document concludes with the temporary stop of the so-called “Jewish action” as ordered by Sonderkommando Lange, withdrawal of guard duty and the transfer of workshop keys to an official of the Economic Office. Thus, the document provides some valuable insights into the logistics of the deportation of the Jews during the phase when Sonderkommando Lange operated as a mobile killing unit.

Contemporary Source

1942-01-24 Report of the Health Office Warthbrücken (Kolo): “the Jewish work detail employed in Kulmhof has been strictly isolated…it is housed in the Kulmhof Castle at night”

In January 1942, authorities in the Warthegau region grappled with the spread of typhus originating from Sinti and Roma victims, who had been deported from the Litzmannstadt ghetto, to the extermination site of Sonderkommando Kulmhof. At least half of the Polish workers in the Sonderkommando were infected. The local health office detailed these typhus cases in Kulmhof in a letter to the president of the government of Hohensalza (Inowrocław) on January 24, 1942. The report referred to the camp staff as “members of the Sonderkommando” and the Polish laborers as the “Polish working detail,” each group housed separately. Additionally, it mentioned the “Jewish working detail,” who were accommodated in the palace of Kulmhof.

Contemporary Source

1941-09-02 Memorandum of SS-Sturmbannführer Höppner: “the ultimate fate of these displaced ethnic groups unwanted in the Greater German Settlement Areas—whether the goal is to secure a certain life for them permanently or to eradicate them entirely.”

On September 2, 1941, Rolf-Heinz Höppner, head of the Central Migration Office in Posen, outlined plans for reorganizing the office to address the impending task of “resettling millions of people”. Höppner stressed that it is “essential…to have complete clarity from the outset about the ultimate fate of these displaced ethnic groups unwanted in the Greater German Settlement Areas—whether the goal is to secure a certain life for them permanently or to eradicate them entirely.”

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